Kanara: A Brief History of its Culture, Maritime Trade and Wars (12th -19th Century)
Part — I
Barkur — The Historical Capital of Tulunadu
River Seetha, taking birth in the rainforests of Agumbe, quickly gushes down the hills forming rapids, as if in a hurry to reach her destination, the Arabian Sea. However, during the last leg of her journey, Seetha slows down, splitting herself into several channels and preferring to take a winding path, skirting a land fringed with paddy, coconut groves and temples. This land is known as Barkur, the historical capital of Tulunadu.
Barkur, now reduced to a cluster of 3 villages and river islands, was once the capital of Alupas, a dynasty that ruled coastal Karnataka continuously from 4th to 13th century CE. By 8th century, the Alupas had extended their territory from Kasaragod to Gokarna and the region was known as Alvakheda, meaning the Land of Alupas. Greek geographer Ptolemy referred to it as Olokhoira.[1] The Alupas remained as feudatories of all the leading empires of Karnataka. The Chalukyas and Hoysalas even maintained matrimonial alliances with them. Chitravahana, an Alupa king was married to Kumkuma Mahadevi, sister of Chalukyan emperor Vijayaditya.[2] Chikkayi Tayi, an Alupa princess, was the queen of last Hoysala ruler Veera Ballala III.[3] The prominence of Barkur during the Hoysala rose to an extent that the Western Ghats stretch corresponding to Tulunadu was referred to as “Barakanura Ghatta”. [4] From 14th to mid-16th Century, Barkur came under the suzerainty of Vijayanagara Empire. It became a provincial capital and its prominence peaked. Termed as “Barakuru Rajya” and ruled by governors directly appointed by the Rayas of Hampi, Barkur along “Mangaluru Rajya”, became the earliest coastal territories of the new empire.[5] With the fall of Vijayanagar, their subordinates, the Nayakas of Keladi became heirs and they controlled it for the next 200 years, until the region fell into the hands of father-son duo of Haider and Tipu. After Tipu, British occupied coastal Karnataka, calling it Kanara or Canara — a corruption of the word Kannada but widely used by all the colonial powers since 16th century. Throughout this period, Barkur, once the largest and the most sophisticated urban settlement in coastal Karnataka, played an important role in shaping the culture and traditions of the people of this region — the Tuluvas.
The Alupa Territory and the two regions they ruled. (Image Courtesy Wikimedia Commons.) To the top is the insignia of Alupas on a coin minted by them at Barkur.
The Legend of Bhutala Pandya and Birth of Matrilineal Inheritance System of Tuluvas.
A fleet of cargo ships owned by a merchant named Devapandya was held hostage by a demon called Kundodara at Hangarkatta, the port of Barkur. Kundodara demanded human sacrifice and Devapandya returned home requesting his wife to send one of his seven sons. She refused and instead his sister agreed to send her young son Jayapandya. On seeing the impressive Jayapandya, Kundodara calmed down and blessed him to be the King of Barkur and gave him a new name — Bhutala Pandya. Upon taking charge of Barkur, Bhutala Pandya abolished Makkala Santana (inheritance through sons) and introduced a new system called Aliya Santana (inheritance through sister’s son). He formalized this new law by codifying them through 14 rules and 16 regulations.[6] To this day, Tuluvas with an exception to Brahmins and few later migrants, follow this custom and inherit property from their mother’s side. Until recent decades, it was common for people to keep their mother’s surname as their own.
Soon after Bhutala Pandya started his rule, two learned Jains came down from Malnad and with them brought twelve Jain princesses. They requested Bhutala Pandya to marry them. Bhutala Pandya agreed and in honour of these princesses, he renamed Barkur as Baraha-Kanya-Pura or the City of Twelve Maidens.[7] Several inscriptions in Barkur, dating to 10th century and after, refer to the town as Barahakanyapura, while the earlier ones used the name Barakanur.[8],[9]. Arab geographers of 13th -14th century like Yakut, Dimishqi and Ibn Battuta referred to it as Fakanur[10], while Europeans called Barkur as Bacanor and Pacamuria.[11]
The Town of Barkur, Its Society and The Temples
Located 15 km north of Udupi, Barkur, despite being the erstwhile capital of Tulunadu, the Tulu language has a very limited presence. 6 km south of Barkur, Tulu abruptly ends and makes way for a dialect of Kannada called Barkur Kannada but the barring the language, the cultural, social and caste structures are identical to Tulu speakers, including the matrilineal inheritance. Additionally, four dialects of Konkani, two of Marathi, Beary and Dakhni are also spoken, making Barkur a highly multilingual place.
By 11th century, Barkur developed into a highly organized town of Hatthu Keris, meaning Ten Quarters or Wards. Inscriptions of Barkur are rich in content regarding town administration and offers great insights.
Governance was two-tiered with the higher one being the central council for administering the entire kingdom and was called “Sthira Simhasana”.[12] This was headed by the king and assisted by officials like Pancha Pradhanas, Dandanayakas, Purohitas and Heggades.
The second tier of administration was the municipal council of Barkur headed by a Sthanapati.[13] Every Keri had two representative groups — Halaru or the municipal councillors and traders from the leading guilds of Barkur — Nakhara, Hanjamana and Settikara.[14] The leader of all the trade guilds, called Pattanaswami, was also the member of municipal council.[15] The responsibility of fixing municipal taxes was with Sthanapati and Pattanaswami.[16] It is unclear how the members were selected but several inscriptions indicate an active participation of public representatives. One such inscription found at Kotekeri, the heart of Barkur, mentions “Nagara Samuha” or a “Town Gathering/Assembly” clearing a land grant as early as on June 27, 1155 CE.[17] Other inscriptions give examples of disagreements being settled through arbitration, compromise and compensation to aggrieved parties.[18]
During the Vijayanagar rule, this central council was headed by governors appointed by the Rayas and it became a representative hall for the chiefs and traders of the entire coastal Karnataka. The municipal council headed by Sthanapati continued to function in the same way. It even had the right to appeal to the emperor in case their decision was overruled by the Governor.[19] A Vijayanagara inscription, dated 18th April 1404, talks about the recall of the governor of Barkur for infringing the rights and privileges of the trade guilds.[20]
The Keris developed their own economic and social regulations. They even had their own presiding deities and opposite to these huge stepped tanks were built. Nearly forty temples and shrines survive to this day in Barkur. It is also the home to almost all the major communities of Tulunadu and many Tuluvas have their tutelary deities here. Now largely forgotten, Barkur was surprisingly well connected with the rest of the country. The nearly 150 inscriptions that are found in and around Barkur give extensive information about its past. Some of the simple yet elegant structures of Barkur’s keris that stood the test of time are shown below.
The Panchalingeshwara temple at Kotekeri, located in the center of Barkur and the seat of the Alupas. The temple was built in 8th century.[21] Apart from Shiva, the temple complex houses fine murtis Skanda, Surya, Ganesha and Parvati. Opposite to the temple is a vast tank, now in a state of ruin.
The Sthala Purana says that it was originally planned to be consecrated by bringing five lingas from Kashi. However, the lingas did not arrive on time and local lingas were consecrated. When they arrived finally, the lingas were consecrated in other temples of Barkur. One such temple, where the linga from Kashi is consecrated is called Padasale Vishwanatha.
The Moodukeri is the eastern most suburb of Barkur and houses the temple for Someshwara . An inscription dated at 1139 AD, found in this temple records a gift given to a Kashmiri scholar and a resident of Barkur named Sajirana.[22] Another inscription in the same temple mentions donation of money for the daily lighting of lamps and setting up of a feeding house by a man named Narasimha Thakkura s/o Malla Deva Shahu, apparently a trader from northern India.[23]. Both these inscriptions strongly indicate Barkur’s close ties with far-off regions.
The temple had a secret vault where ornamanets and jewels were kept but fell prey for treasure hunters in the early years of Independent India. Priceless jewels and the two large bronze statues were decamped with.
Pics (L-R) — An Exquisite wooden brackets in the temple depicting 4 yogis in different postures. The dilapidated tank opposite to the temple, one of ten found in Barkur.
Kalchapra, an ancient pavilion built at the junction of Manigarkeri, Moodukeri and Hosakeri. The Manigar Keri, as the name itself suggests, was a settlement of the people who dealt in precious stones and gems. (Pic. Courtesy — Kishoo and Anand Barkur)
The Bhandarakeri Mutt established by Sri Madhwacharya’s Guru, Sri Achyutapreksharu. The Hanuman and Garuda figures on the walls are drawn in the what is known as Kavi art, made from natural clay, Ochre. Bhandarakeri, as the name itself suggests, was the seat of “Bhandara” or treasury.
The 11th century Bhairava-Ganapati temple at Chaulikeri was once a great center of Natha Sampradaya. The other two centers of this sampradaya in Barkur are the Hingula Devi temple (now completely in ruinous state) and the small shrine of Kala Bhairava. A separate caste of people called Jogis who follow Natha pantha still live in Barkur . The Heads of the surviving three Natha Pantha Mutts in the region — Mangalore, Vitla and Kundapur, are chosen on rotational basis during the Nashik Kumbh Mela. The selected chiefs take a padayatra known as “Jhundi Yatra” from Nashik to Mangalore and Barkur is still a major stopover for these sadhus. (Pic. Courtesy Ramakrishna)
The “Bairagi Ganapati” inside Chaulikeri temple complex, called so because of its association with Bairagis.
The Katthale Basadi Temple complex. Pics (L-R): The ruined Katthale Basadi or the Jain Temple of Parshwanath. The second temple is of “Hatthara” Narayana or the Narayana of Ten Keris. The collapsed roof of Hatthara Narayana was replaced by roughly poured concrete by ASI, giving it an odd look. Among the forty odd temples, these two along with a small Shiva temple are the only ASI protected monuments. A grant to the Parshwanatha Basadi talks about a certain Aja Shahu s/o Bhoja Shahu, who settled in Barkur after his “Jalayatreya Vyavahara” (Sea Voyage) to places as far as Malaya and Khamboja (probably Malaysia and Cambodia).[24] The inscription also makes reference to an Agrawal family, all indicating that traders from far off places made Barkur their home.[25]
The Tuluveshwara Temple (Gopalakrishna) complex between Kotekeri and Manigarkeri. This complex serves as the house of the Patel of Barkur, a temple and once upon a time, also functioned as a court.
The rich woodwork at the entrance to the nearly 200 year old house of the Patel of Barkur.
The private temple inside the complex of Tuluveshwara. Hardly known outside Barkur, the murti of Tuluveshwara (Gopalakrishna) is one of the finest examples of Hoysala workmanship.
Pics (L-R) 1. Mahakali Temple at Simhasana Gudde. Legend has it that King Vikramaditya of Ujjain himself established the “Simhasana” of Barkur. Pic-2. The pillar of Betal opposite the temple, now called Betaleshwar. There exists a mound behind the temple, where the erstwhile Alupa palace, “Periyara Mane” stood. Sadly, it is now used as a cricket ground.(Pic Courtesy — Hemant and Anand Barkur)
The House of Tolaharas at Sural, a village near Barkur. This Tulu Jain family had tremendous political clout in the region since 12th century and were very close the Vijayanagara and Keladi rulers. Several grants made directly by the Rayas to them are found in Barkur inscriptions. After the fall of Vijayanagara, they were among the first to take on the might of the Portuguese. (See part- III)
The interiors of the Sural Aramane, now under renovation. It is the oldest surviving house in coastal Karnataka, built in 1511! To give a perspective, it was just 2 years after Krishna Deva Raya’s coronation. GV Iyer’s iconic Kannada-Sanskrit bilingual movie Madhvacharya was shot in this house. (Pic Courtest — Naveen)
Pics (L-R) The Mahalingeshwara temple of Sural, built and managed by the Tolaharas. Despite being Jains, the Tolaharas had Lord Shiva as their State deity. To the right side are the Kudubi tribals who had fled Goa. They speak a “bridge” dialect between Marathi and Konkani. These fleeing tribals were provided land by the Tolaharas and are numerous in and around Barkur. Every year, during Holi festival, several hundred Kudubis gather at the Sural palace and celebrate it as per their age-old custom. (Pic 2&3 -Daijiworld Media)
The Trade Guilds of Barkur and its importance to the Vijayanagara Rulers:
Several trade guilds functioned from Barkur but the three most important were the Hanjamana (from the word Anjuman) which was exclusively made up of traders from Arabia and Persia, their counterparts — Nakhara, which was the domestic trade guild dealing in foreign goods and the Settikara, a domestic guild which dealt in daily consumption commodities to the Indian market.[26]
An often-overlooked fact is the role of coastal Karnataka in contributing to the famed riches of Vijayanagara empire. During the greater part of the Vijayanagara rule, the east coast was under the control of Reddy and Gajapati dynasties and acquisitions were completed only in early 16th century by Krishna Deva Raya. Goa had slipped out of Vijayanagar’s hand to Adil Shahis in 1472, who subsequently lost it to Portuguese. Zamorins retained autonomy by paying tributes. Throughout the Empire’s lifetime, only one coastal region remained firmly in its control — coastal Karnataka, of which Barkur was the de-facto governing center. The ports of Barkuru Rajya provided the safest and shortest route for supplying goods, ammunitions, and horses to Hampi.
Domingo Paes was the first to note that the Vijayanagar Emperor had only “five kings” amongst many “chiefs and vassals”. Fernao Nunes, a Portuguese trader and a resident of Hampi for three years makes it clear that among all the chieftains of who paid visit to the Emperor’s court, none were held in as high esteem as the five chiefs of Barkur, Bhatkal, Gersoppa, Bankapur and Calicut! [28] All port towns except Bankapur. The town of Bankapur, located on Karnataka plateau served as the gateway to the Western Ghats and coast, forming a critical link to trade routes. This explains the exception made to a plateau town chief amongst all other coastal chiefs.
The Vijayanagar emperors starting from Krishna Deva Raya shifted their trade from Arabs to Portuguese and this is often mistaken to have been done through Goa. A map developed based on the accounts of travellers and political situation in 16th century demonstrates gives a clear picture of the maritime trade structure of Vijayanagar Empire.
K. Vyasaraya Ramesh, former Joint-Director General of ASI, in his book A History of South Kanara argues that the need to resist the Sultanate invasions necessitated a strong cavalry which naturally required good horses, and thus Barkur & Mangalore provinces, which were nearest coastal areas to Hampi, were brought under direct rule.[27] While this reason is partly true, it may not have been the sole reason as trade data and records show that coastal Karnataka’s was itself among the top performers in the sub-continent.(see Part -II)
The ruined Vijayanagara fort of Barkur, once the seat of their coastal governorate. Administration’s on-off excavations and negligence has effectively denied the society of its historical due. (Pic courtesy — TNN, Kishoo & Anand Barkur)
However, after the fall of Vijayanagar empire, the political significance of Barkur started to decline. The next rulers, Keladi Nayakas did appoint governors but the prominence was never the same. Hangarkatta port became insufficient to handle increasing maritime traffic. The focus of attention shifted to other coastal towns brought an end to Barkur’s dominance in coastal Karnataka. Barkur’ temples were chiefly funded by the traders and administrators who allocated a portion of the state taxes and fines for the maintenance of temples and other charitable works. With administrators and traders moving out, there was a rapid decline of the economy and reflected in the state of its temples. When the British arrived, Barkur was snatched of even its taluk status and it was transferred to Udupi.
Now reduced to a Panchayat, there is no scheme to upkeep it monuments and temples. Several temples became a prey to treasure hunters, a problem which persists till date. The only silver lining is that the temples which are kuladevatas of castes like Bhandaris, Devadigas, Mogaveeras and Shettigars have been rebuilt, collecting funds from their fellow castemen.
Barkur’s decline coincided the spectacular rise of a port town in its neighborhood, Basrur…
Part — II
The Rise of Basrur and the Trade Boom In Kanara
Basrur is a small town on the southern banks of Panchagangavali estuary, formed by the confluence of five rivers — Varahi, Souparnika, Chakra, Kubja and Kedaka, all taking birth in the Western Ghats. Located 25 km north of Barkur, Basrur is also an ancient town and its antiquity dates to the earliest times of Tuluva culture as can be known from the fact that it forms an important location in the oldest Tulu epic called Siri.
Originally known as Vasupura, it was called by various names throughout its history. The Portuguese called it Barcelore and the Dutch, Barseloor. Ibn Batuta during his visit to Basrur, called it Abu Sarur. The dominant language in and around Basrur is another old dialect of Kannada, now called as Kundagannada.
For centuries, Basrur played a second fiddle to Barkur. However, its fortunes changed in the late Vijayanagara period and it finally overtook Barkur during the “Age of Discovery”, when untapped markets opened up and demand for Indian goods surged. With Panchagangavali’s large estuary, Basrur was capable of handling more maritime traffic. Together with its younger siblings — Kundapur and Gangolli it became a major trade center.
Foreign visitors frequently visited Basrur. Armenians, Italians, Jews, Persians, French and Dutch also took up residence in Basrur during the 16th century.[29] The Portuguese took a liking to Basrur and after the fall of Vijayanagar at Talikota, they occupied Basrur and setup a colony. 35 Casados or Portuguese families settled in Basrur and even engaged in cultivation of rice and coconut palms.[30] Francis Buchanan, a botanist from Scotland and an East India Company officer, in his very formal account of the official journeys made a rare exception in case of Basrur. He expressed, “I have not seen a more beautiful country than this; and an old fort situated a little higher up than the town, commands one of the finest prospects that I ever beheld”.[31]
Basrur developed into a town of seven keris and even had walled enclosures which would be closed at night. Basrur’s two distinct keris were: Ravutkeri — the quarters of horse traders and the Vilasikeri — the entertainment and recreation zone.[32] The hostilities between Vijayanagara and Deccan Sultans, created a great demand for horses. Bhatkal and Basrur, the two ports closest to Hampi saw brisk trade and necessitated a new colony for horse traders. With the increasing visits of merchants and many staying for long durations, Vilasikeri was born. Keeping Basrur’s Vilasikeri as a setting, Kannada literary giant, K. Shivarama Karanth wrote a novella titled “Mayi Managala Suliyalli”, loosely meaning “within the storms of body and mind”. It was a fictional first-person account of a courtesan named Manjula.
Basrur’s trade peaked during the Portuguese period. While pepper, iron, saltpetre, sandalwood were exported, its single largest commodity of export was rice. The region being endowed with plenty of water and the fertile river valleys, rice cultivation yielded two-three crops a year. Most of the rice was exported to Middle East.[33]
The largest ships in Basrur were owned by a Gujarati merchant called Vishnudas Sundardas. He along with another merchant, Siddi Basavayya traded with places as far as West Africa. Saraswat Brahmins, Jains, Bunts, Banajigas, Komatis were the major trading communities of Basrur.[34] These traders formed the Nakhara guild and the temple built by the traders still exists in Basrur.
A 19th century sketch of the exteriors of Nakhareshwara at Basrur, now called as Mahalingeshwara. (courtesy Basel Mission Archives). Nakhareshwara as it stands today. (Pic. courtesy Anand Barkur)
Shivaji’s Raid on Basrur
The fame of Basrur did not fail to catch the attention of Shivaji. Looking for funds to build his nascent Hindavi Swarajya, the rich trading houses of the Portuguese and Dutch caught his eye. He embarked on a journey to Basrur by sea with three large ships and eighty five frigates in the year 1665.[35] Shivaji managed to hoodwink the Portuguese in their tightly patrolled coast of Goa and reached Basrur. The raid started early in the morning when the fort of Basrur was unguarded by the garrison and they summarily looted the traders. Cash, Bullion and the horses from the Arabs were all a part of his booty. The Dutch estimated their loss at 3,00,000 guilders.[36] Their factory temporarily closed down after Shivaji’s raid.[37] He then left for Gokarna by ship, 150 km north of Basrur, located in the same province and took part in the religious rites at the famed temple of Lord Mahabaleshwara. Interestingly, after his rituals in Gokarna, Shivaji, sent a large part of booty via sea and he himself made a conspicuous journey by land to Raigad, threatening the English at their outpost in Karwar.[38] This raid on Basrur was Shivaji’s only naval expedition in his entire life.
An important question to be asked here is why did Shivaji raid Basrur, a port which historians have dismissed as “small”? The risk of losing his reputation cannot be ruled out as he had no previous experience of a personal supervision in naval expeditions and the territory was unfamiliar. What profit did Shivaji see in this little town of Basrur that made him to sail 700 km from Raigad? It certainly wasn’t a “pilot” for any big raid as it was the only naval raid of his lifetime. The people of Basrur claim that he came to free them from the clutches of the Dutch and Portuguese. No doubt the Dutch and Portuguese were notorious in ill-treating the locals, but this cannot be a strong reason as the Konkan coast itself had a strong Portuguese and Dutch presence. The answers lie in the trade boom that happened in the region, starting from the time of Vijayanagara itself.
The Trade Boom in Kanara
The 350 km of Karnataka’s coastal stretch, from Karwar up till Kasaragod (became a part of Kerala in 1956) was called as Kanara since early 16th Century. The ports in Kanara began to flourish under the Vijayanagara rulers and later became a great hub of trans-continental trade during the colonial era.
The figures of cargo ships arriving at Muscat in the year 1672, then the principle port in the middle east, was recorded by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and a region wise compilation of the ports from the original list is given below. This provides good insights to the trade dynamics of Kanara.
Data Source: The Arabian Seas By Rene J. Barendse, Chapter: Tide of Trade (Table 6.1, Page205)
Kanara topping the charts might be unsettling for a casual observer as the trade of the region is often overlooked but it is not difficult to explain the reason. Places like Mangalore, Basrur and Bhatkal excelled in rice production, often yielding two-three rice crops a year and it was their principal export to Middle East.[39] Duarte Barboza, the Portuguese scribe, observed large quantities of rice being exported from the ports of Kanara to Middle East and even Malabar. In 19th century, Buchanan and Thomas Munro, the first collector of Kanara, described rice as the grand article of export[40].
Rice being a high consumption commodity propelled Kanara to the top of the chart. In the same period, Kanara’s annual rice exports to Muscat was at an astonishing 2.4 million pounds and Konkan coming a distant second with 0.3 million pounds.[41] The famous “Muscati Rice” is a name coined by the Arab traders to a particular variety of rice grown in Mangalore, Barkur and Basrur.[42]
The surprisingly lower position of Malabar can be known from the fact that it was never a rice surplus region and trade chiefly confining to spices and coconuts. Barboza noted that a large number of Zambucos, big and small, came from Malabar to Honnavar in North Kanara to procure rice.[43] William Logan, who was the Collector of Malabar and the compiler of the Malabar Manual mentions, “Malabar does not produce grain sufficient for the consumption of the home population….Malabar pays for much of the grain consumed by the people out of the money obtained for its special products — coconuts, coir, coconut-oil, areca, pepper, ginger etc.”[44]
The ports of Gujarat generally traded more in valuable merchandize and this probably explains their relatively lower position.
Yet, it would be unreasonable to arrive at strong conclusions only based on the data of a single port despite Muscat being one of the busiest in the Middle East. A look into the other chief ports with which India traded, would give a more balanced analysis.
Hormuz, in Iran, was another big port in the Persian Gulf, but no records are available of the ship traffic. However, if one can infer from the circumstances, Kanara seems to have maintained the same lead at Hormuz as well.
In 1512, Alfonso De Albuquerque wrote to the king of Portugal, D. Manuel, “I believe that there will be a great famine in Hormuz and great need for food, considering that rice from India did not land”.[45] Willem Floor, in his book the Persian Gulf, mentions rice to Hormuz came mostly from Kanara.[46] This corroborates the dependence of Iran on the rice of Kanara. Furthermore, King D. Manuel even tried to “throttle” trade from Bhatkal, another great rice exporter of Kanara, in favour of Goa. This act became one of the major reasons for the revolt against the Portuguese occupation of Hormuz![47] The dependency of Hormuz on rice from Kanara is evident.
Ludovico di Varthema, an Italian traveller in 16th century saw about fifty to sixty ships laden with rice in the port of Mangalore.[48] Certainly, the numbers would have been far greater for the whole of Kanara, and not all would have been directed to Muscat alone.
Evidences during the British Raj only reinforce the dependency of not just Muscat or Hormuz but whole of Arabia. In 1802–04 citing shortage of rice in Bombay, Goa and Malabar, exports of rice to Arabia from Kanara were banned.[49] John Ramsay McCulloch, an 19th century economist from Scotland and the compiler of geographical, historical and statistical data called “McCulloch’s Universal Gazetteer” refers to Kanara as the “Granary of rice for Arabia, Goa, Bombay and Malabar”![50], clearly establishing Kanara’s leading position in rice export.
Pics (L-R) 1-A temporary rice granary called Thuppe or Thiri. Pic 2 — A rice pack called Mudi, roughly 40 kgs, skillfully packed using the same paddy hay before shipping. Duarte Barbosa was the first visitor to observe this mode of packaging and export from Kanara. The practice can still be seen in coastal Karnataka. Pic 3-A traditional wooden cargo ship being built in Ullal near Mangalore. The red line indicates the height of a man!
Kanara’s rise to prominence in maritime trade was not just due to rice. Along with its backyard Malnad, Kanara was a great producer of another important commodity — a flowery vine that grows naturally on the slopes of Western Ghats, called piper nigrum or simply Black Pepper.
The Black Gold Rush
Since Vasco da Gama’s arrival at Calicut, Portuguese largely relied on Kerala coast for pepper procurement. But after the fall of the Vijayanagar empire in 1560s, the Portuguese managed to take control of important towns of Kanara like Mangalore, Basrur and Honnavar from where they started procuring pepper.[51] A table of the procurement of pepper by the Portuguese Empire is given below.
This striking data showing Kanara’s comfortable lead over its neighbour Kerala, opens a plethora of questions and challenges the current narratives on pepper trade. These statistics would not have seen the light of the day had it not been for Australian Professor Anthony Disney who, while studying India’s pepper trade decided to retrieve the trade related documents from the archives of Lisbon and Goa, a simple act which until then, no historian had ventured to check. The role of his acquaintance and senior in the field, Prof. Om Prakash of Delhi School of Economics is also worth mentioning as he too was one of the few economic historians who wrote about Kanara’s great role in pepper trade.
The graphs also show Kanara not only leading the pepper production but also the rates were comparatively higher! This goes against the basic perception that products tend to be cheap where they are grown more abundantly.
How does one answer the paradox of Kanara leading over its famous neighbour and yet command a better price? A careful look into the political and social structure of the regions provides offers some clues.
Firstly, the Portuguese relying on Kanara is a clear indication that Kerala alone was not capable of meeting the global demand of pepper. More importantly, Kanara which like rest of south India became politically fragmented after the fall of Vijayanagara was consolidated by the Nayakas of Keladi, who had inherited these lands from Vijayanagara and they offered a stable alternative for pepper trade.
Malabar on the other hand was split amongst the factional chiefs of Cannanore, Calicut, Cochin, Quilon and Travancore and at least another twenty five chieftains of some importance, though they recognized the authority of the mentioned kingdoms.[52] This unstable political scenario might have made Portuguese to shift their pepper trade to a great extent to Kanara.
The second important question regarding the price can be answered through the social structure of the two regions. Though Prof. Disney does not directly delve into the cost variation between the two regions, he cites the Portuguese records which reveal that in Kerala, most of the pepper procurement was in the hands of in Christians.[53] It is likely that the Portuguese would have used this equation to get deal favourable to themselves. Prof. Disney mentioning the scenario of 1603–1605, when pepper was scarce in Kerala provides further clues. The Christian merchants were persuaded through influence of the clergy to keep the Portuguese warehouses at Cochin “well-supplied”.[54]
Kanara again offered a completely opposite scenario. There were hardly any Christians and those who lived were small groups of Goan descendants, mostly on the seashore where no pepper grew. So, the Portuguese had to rely on Hindus who were under no compulsion and thus were able to extract a better price for pepper.[55] The merchants of Kanara had a windfall with the Portuguese entry. Portuguese records mention that a man, goldsmith by profession, partnered with his nephew and became a contractor, committing an annual supply of 1500 quintals of pepper from Basrur and Honnavar!
Also, the Portuguese paying higher rates for Kanara pepper because of its quality receives some credence. Buchanan while gathering statistics on agriculture in interior Kanara met Parsi merchants who told him that pepper from Kanara fetched higher rates in Bombay compared to Malabar pepper.[56] Commenting on the quality of Kanara pepper, Fryer, an English traveller noted, “the best pepper in the world is of the growth of Sunda (now called Sode, near Sirsi), known in England by (the name of) Karwar Pepper, though five days journey distance from thence”.[57] So great was the demand for Karwar pepper that in 1670s the British established a direct trade link between Karwar and England even bypassing their mandatory transit port in India, Surat![58] Moreover, even during the period prior to the data provided in charts, Kanara seemed to have cornered reasonable share of pepper trade. It was the Jain Queen of Honnavar, Rani Chennabhaira Devi (1552–1606) who was given the epithet “Rainha de Pimenta” or the “Queen of Pepper”.
The above numbers are from a period when Portuguese largely controlled the world pepper trade. The Dutch and the English made their mark after 1650s, so these numbers broadly reflect the production and trade capacity of the regions.
Govardhanagiri fort (now known as Kanoor fort) built by Jinadatta Raya located near Gersoppa. Portuguese factor Diogo Vaz Pereira would personally supervise procuring and packaging pepper. (Image and content courtesy — British Library & Twilight of Pepper Empire)
Regarding Karnataka’s important role in pepper trade, a further enquiry is needed. How did Karnataka manage to overtake Kerala with ease when the demand cropped up and more importantly how old is the pepper trade itself in Karnataka?
The graphs prepared based on the data released by the Spice Board, Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Govt. of India, shows that still Karnataka which is leading the pepper production over Kerala and the production/hectare in Karnataka is three times more than Kerala.
A closer look into the charts will tell that the share in pepper production in 21st century is not too different from 17th century data. Two factors played an important role in shaping the prevailing opinion on pepper production and trade. The British Raj heavily encouraged spice cultivation in Wayanad hitherto a completely tribal zone, where rulers of Kerala had very little say before 18th century.[59] In the middle of 20th century, the churches of south Kerala bought vast swathes of virgin forests in north Malabar, particularly eastern Cannanore, Thamarasherry and Wayanad at throwaway prices. The extensive spice cultivation by these new residents of Malabar significantly contributed to the rise in pepper production.
Another important factor that played a role, was that the British made Tellicherry, their main base in Kerala. The Tellicherry office of the British procured pepper in smaller amounts from Karnataka’s provinces — Kanara & Coorg. They even managed to open a small office in Honnavar, which was called the “subordinate factory” of Tellicherry.[60] Naturally, all the pepper procured from Honnavar and rest of Karnataka finally ended up in the export house of Tellicherry, adding to its numbers in the balance sheet and giving an impression of unassailable lead.
Meanwhile in Karnataka, where pepper production grew at a more “natural rate” finally caught up in the 21st century and became a leader again.
The Antiquity of Pepper Cultivation and Trade in Karnataka
On 1st of May 1875, the then Chief Justice of Bombay High Court, Sir Michael Roberts Westropp, delivering a judgment on a land revenue and tenure dispute between a farmer from Karwar and the Bombay Presidency, cited the example of Sonda, a pepper growing region deep inside the western ghats of Karnataka, and noted, “the Sanads mention a survey made in the 2nd Century: but whether what is now called the old land rent is the same or a more modern is uncertain. Gardens or plantations of coconut, betel and pepper are considered private property…”[61]
This sanad, a revenue record, mentioning land assessment for taxation points to a systematic and purposeful agriculture in the region way back in 2nd century itself. More importantly, it effortlessly lifts Karnataka’s pepper cultivation (and consequently trade) to an age when the ancient Romans and Greeks made voyages to India in search of pepper. The hoard of Roman Gold coins, dating to back to 1st century BC — 5th century CE, found in Akki Alur, not too far from Sonda-Sirsi pepper belt, cannot be an aberration.
A part of Akki Alur gold coin hoard, close not just to the Sonda-Sirsi pepper belt, but also to the capital of Kadambas, Banavasi. (Image Courtesy — Wikimedia Commons)
With Kanara economy on a firm footing, it would be interesting to know how Karnataka, of which Kanara is just a modest sized region, performed. Data available for the period 1580–1640 provides interesting results.
Karnataka, the Dark Horse of India’s Maritime Trade
A region wise summary of the cargo goods arriving at Lisbon and their net value for the period 1580–1640 is given below.(Data Source: Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Pg. 67) by James C. Boyajian)
As the list shows, Gujarat and Sind, tops the chart with a whopping 60% share on the value of cargo and it probably reflects the share of northern India itself. Sind though, tragically reminds of India’s’ painful past. Kanara again makes it to the “podium finish” thanks to its pepper and rice exports. The second position shared by Bijapur & Golconda offers some insight to the trade of north interior Karnataka. While the major exports would have been diamonds and jewels, the role of textiles cannot be ruled out. Bijapur, itself in north Karnataka, is a land rich in black cotton soil supporting excellent cotton production which lead to development of medieval textile hubs of Hubli-Dharwad, Belgaum and Bagalkot and these may have also contributed significantly. Even as late as 19th century, the British exported large volumes of Dharwad cotton to markets and mills of Liverpool and Manchester, exclusively from the port of Kumta, giving rise to the brand name, “Coompta Cotton”. Along with Bharuch and Amravati (Nagpur) cotton, it was preferred as it had better capability to absorb dyes and greater fiber strength.[62] The table of the Carreira and Casado period is that of the post Talikota war, when Bijapuri Sultans had overrun large parts of southern Karnataka and thus roughly reflects large part of Karnataka’s trade share. So, considering Karnataka’s “reasonable share” in the 14% of Bijapur-Golconda, in addition to Kanara’s 7%, the state comfortably lands at second position on the total export value. A fine performance considering Hampi, then the largest city in the world and a cultural and economic powerhouse was reduced to a rubble. Yet the state managed to recover from the jolt and do well economically. Most importantly, the chart completely shatters perceptions and narratives of maritime trade which usually overlook Karnataka’s contribution, let alone Kanara.
Looking back at the map of trade and economic administrative structure of Vijayanagara (Part — I) and the statistics and graphs of Kanara’s trade, Fernao Nunes’s personal observation of the Rayas holding the chieftains of Kanara so dearly seems obvious. Duarte Barbosa, while praising the Vijayanagar Empire for its observation of strict justice and truth, mentions that Hampi’s trade is of “infinite” volume.[63] One can only speculate on what would have been the trade share of the Vijayanagar Empire itself during their glorious rule. Their rule can thus be seen as a combination of tight control over administration, tough men from Deccan forming its military might and the traders from the coasts, its economic might.
The topic of Kanara’s maritime trade is incomplete without knowing who the traders were and how did the trading communities of Kanara manage to thrive. One must go back to Basrur to get the answers.
The Chatims De Barcelore and the Book of Cartazes.
While traders of various ethnicities and nationalities made Basrur their home, it was the Nakhara guild or the“Indic” traders who dominated the trade. Together all these traders were called “Shettys” irrespective of the caste or background. The Portuguese famously referred to the traders in their records as “Chatims De Barcelore” meaning “Shettys of Basrur”.[64] However, one community towered over the rest of the group and they were the Konkani speaking Madhwa Saraswat Brahmins who preferred to call themselves Gauda Saraswats. Though their prosperity soared, it wasn’t without difficulties. Until the rise of Keladi Nayakas in early 17th century, the Portuguese extracted massive taxes and tributes and would they often face trouble.
Quite often in the history of maritime trade, it is not emphasized enough that the colonial powers, particularly the Portuguese, had completely dominated the seas across Asia and had a stranglehold over the countries which were markets for Indian goods. Their garrisons would be stationed in ports like Muscat, Hormuz, Ceylon and Malacca, thus making it impossible for Indians to enter these markets without the permission of the Portuguese. Van Linschoten, a Dutch traveller who visited Kanara in 1595 says that the Portuguese were so powerful on the West Coast that neither the Moors nor the Indians were allowed to travel in the sea without a Portuguese passport[65]. This is the reason why they sometimes they got away with favourable treaties despite some of the political setbacks they received. All throughout their active military — mercantile domination period, they retained the right to issue sailing permits or passports called “Cartazes”. Their trade negotiations were based on this premise.
Goan state archives have retained a document called “Livro do Cartazes”, simply meaning the “Book of Passports”. A truncated list of names in the Cartazes, issued for the traders of Kanara, Basrur in particular is given below.
A host of communities — Saraswats, Jains, Bunts, Banajigas, Komatis, apart from Navayats and Bearys made it to the list of Cartazes. The profiles of the merchants stand in contrast to general perception of India’s west coast trade, where Arabs and their Indian descendants dominated. The list also indicates that the merchants had the strong backing of the rulers who could stand up for their interests — the Nayakas of Keladi in this case. The Keladi dynasty having quickly consolidated power, even defeating Portuguese, used their political strength to provide get better terms in their treaties although the Cartazes remained with the Portuguese. Hence It can be reasonably concluded that Kanara’s economic control wrested in the hands of the traders like the old “Nakhara-Settikara” guild of Barkur.
The Pete Venkatramana Temple built by the Gauda Saraswat Brahmins of Kundapur, the so-called Lower Barcelore of the Europeans.
The Decline of Maritime Trade and Commerce
Kanara’s incredible run came to a halt when the era of maritime trade made way for Industrial Age. Kanara itself failed to industrialize. Thomas Munro, the first Collector of Kanara under the EIC rule noted in the year 1800, “Canara will never probably be a manufacturing country, because it produces none of the raw materials necessary to render it such, because the heavy rains, which last so great a part of the year, are an insurmountable obstacle to all operations which (are) required to be carried on under a clear sky and in open air.”[66] Munro’s prophetic words holds true to a great extant even today.
As the British rule progressed, acute poverty started afflicting it. Curiously there were no major recorded droughts in Kanara throughout the British Rule and this poverty affliction never received much attention among the academics for further study. The British blamed it on the depredations of Haider-Tipu’s reckless rule. Seeing the “fallen state” of Kanara, Munro wrote in one of his letters, “ the whole course of the administration of his (Haider’s) deputies seems to have been nothing but a series of experiments made for the purpose of discovering the utmost extent to which the land rent could be carried or how much it was possible to extort the farmers without diminishing cultivation”[67] After Munro’s term, the British started to change the tariff policies affecting trade. Between 1807–1814, the duty was doubled harming Kanara’s trade with Portuguese and French territories and acted as a prohibition of sorts.[68]
Ludvico De Vartema, the Italian traveller who visited Kanara during the Vijayanagar era wrote in his book that the people in Honnavar “lived longer than Italians”.[69] But Kanara of the 19th Century had turned into a pale shadow of its past. Shivanand Kalave, an agri-journalist, has documented stories of starvation and poverty after interviewing several centenarians and nonagenarians in the district of North Kanara. Shivarama Karanth’s novels, set in 19th and early 20th century reflect the troubled times in South Kanara. People started migrating out for work. The poor would go up the ghats to work in the coffee estates of Coorg and Chikmagalur during the harvest season for seasonal employment, a far cry from the days when men from as far as Bengal would be recruited as mariners in Mangalore.[70] Several moved out to start small restaurants all over south India, Mumbai and western Maharashtra under the ubiquitous brand name “Udupi”.
The British administration packaged the entire coastal Karnataka as a single district called Kanara and made it a part of Madras Presidency. However, unable to administer the large district, the British soon split this Kanara District into two and transferred the northern part to Bombay Presidency. These two became the farthest districts of their respective Presidencies. The southern coast of Kanara sometimes was appended in common parlance to Malabar diluting the brand further. The lack of Railway connectivity only made matters worse.
The traditional ports failed to accommodate larger ships. With advanced machinery, artificial ports could be dredged conveniently near the industrial corridors, ringing a death knell for natural harbors. They faded into oblivion or came to be known merely as “fishing harbours”. Mangalore was fortunate to get an artificial port in 1960s, thanks to iron ore and coffee bean exports. In entire Kanara, only one ancient port, with its deep natural harbour managed to withstand the tides of change — the port of Karwar.
The glory of the past faded away, only a few folk songs retained the glorious past. One such Kannada song, when loosely translated into English, means thus:
“Let the crops bloom wherever the seeds are sown,
Let every cow give birth to a calf,
Let every seed sown multiply by hundreds,
Let every cow be well fed and overflow with milk.
Build two granaries of rice and name them Ganga and Gowri,
And then contemplate, gazing at the flapping waves of the Sea.”
In Basrur, the memories of international trade found a place in the realm of the spirits. “Chinikara Daiva” or “the Chinese Spirits” were incorporated into the pantheon of local spirits and are worshipped till date all people of Basrur, particularly the Billavas.[71] The story goes that a few haughty Chinese spirits arrived by ship and mocked the revered local spirit Panjurli, who retaliated by seizing and holding them captive permanently in his Bhuta Sthana.[72] Gradually, these Chinese spirits themselves became worthy of worship.
An exquistie bronze mask of Panjurli Daiva, a wild boar spirit revered across Tulunadu. The one above is now in custody of Los Angeles County Museum of Arts. Pic courtesy: Wikimedia Commons
The shrine at Basrur where Chinese spirits were held captive by Panjurli. The wooden idols are replaced whenever they get worn and in the process, the features of the spirits have been completely localized, save for the oral traditions. (Pic Courtesy: Prabhu Manigar)
Memories of Kanara’s trade history. Left Pic — An undated Chinese inscription at a Devi temple in Kumta. (Pic Courtesy — Himanshu Prabha Ray). Right Pic — 14th Century Kalikamba temple at Barkur, with carvings of camels at the base. Unfortunately, this temple was burgled in June 2015 and the thieves decamped with 14Kgs of silver and some gold ornaments. (News courtesy — The Hindu.)
Rise of Kanara in New Avatars
Finally, at the turn of the 20th century, the merchant classes of Kanara found a way out of the state of despair. In 1906, A. Subbarao Pai, a lawyer heavily influenced by Bengali nationalism, started a small financial institution called Canara Hindu Permanent Fund Pvt. Ltd. in Mangalore. This financial institution received tremendous backing from his community — the Saraswat Brahmins. The institution grew in size and later came to be known as Canara Bank. At the same time in the neighboring town of Udupi, a trader named Haji Abdulla, joined hands with Saraswats and started another financial institution called Canara Banking Corporation (Udipi) Ltd. Haji Abdulla’s ship sank off the coast of Ceylon and he incurred heavy losses. Tragically, he took his life. The bank was then taken over by the Saraswats and later came to be known simply as Corporation Bank. Nearly, twenty years later, in 1924, a group consisting of Kannada-Tulu Brahmins and a lone Chitpavan got together in Mangalore and pooled in money to start Karnataka Bank. Next year, TMA Pai opened a bank called Canara Industrial and Banking Syndicate in Udupi, later known as Syndicate Bank. The last of the five legendary banks of Kanara was started in 1931 by, arguably the wealthiest community of the region, the Bunts. The founders named it Vijaya Bank as it was started on the day of Vijayadashami.
In the process of establishing these banks, the small district of South Kanara did something unprecedented — without even a single big city or any higher educational institute, it managed to give India five major banks, impacting lives of people in all corners of the country, a feat only to be rivalled by Banks of Mumbai and Kolkata. A large number of people in this coastal region got employment in these banks, creating a healthy middle class. While these Banks were started by individual or small groups, it is their community backing which propelled them to grow. Unsurprisingly, all these banks were started by the same communities that figured prominently in the book of Cartazes.
These Banks succumbed to the disastrous policy of nationalization in 1969. Only Karnataka Bank managed to remain in private hands. The entrepreneurs of Kanara moved on to another growing field — Education. It is no coincidence that one of India’s oldest self-financing medical colleges was started on the outskirts of Udupi, called Mannu Palla, literally meaning muddy waters, which has now metamorphosed into Manipal. A close look into the ownership of medical colleges that dot the skyline of Mangalore, reveals that the same communities hold ownership!
As for the Railways, Mangalore’s illustrious son, George Fernandes, played a key role in realizing the dream when as a Railway minister, he initiated to connect the entire coastline of Kanara to Mumbai through the Konkan Rail Project.
Kanara achieved high literacy and prosperity, relying solely on the entrepreneurial spirit of its citizens. It did this without experimenting with socialism or communism. The castes and communities amazingly took care of themselves and the social mobility improved vastly, albeit this happened in phases. However, it may be difficult to be replicate it elsewhere as Kanara’s internal social dynamics are vastly different. Economic Historian M.N. Pearson observed that the problem with ‘third world’ countries is not their poverty as they are often naturally rich; the problem is that its wealth ends up in metropolis.[73] Kanara, to a great extent challenged this notion.
Part — III
Nayakas of Keladi: The Shield of Kanara
In 1502, Alfonso De Albuquerque reached the port of Bhatkal but his armada was bombarded from the surrounding hills.[74] Taken aback by the blazing cannons, he was forced to retreat. 8 years later, after successful naval campaigns in Middle East and conquering Goa from Adil Shahis, he once again evinced interest in the ports of Kanara and started negotiations with Krishna Deva Raya. Alfonso made lucrative offers in exchange for his request to build a fort at Bhatkal or Basrur. However, no agreement was reached between them.[75]
View of Bhatkal Port from the hills where Alfonso’s armada was bombarded. (Pic Courtesy — Bharatkumar)
By 1550s, the major ports in the Persian Gulf — Muscat & Hormuz were under Portuguese control.[76]. Only Aden was completely under the control of Ottoman Empire. Cannanore, Calicut and Cochin too came under the Portuguese influence[77], leaving only the ports on the coast of Karnataka with Vijayanagara. The Portuguese continued to make stray attempts to take over ports of Mangalore, Honnavar, Basrur and Bhatkal during this period, occasionally indulging in plunder. Sometimes the local chieftains paid tributes and averted trouble. The Rayas of Vijayanagara who had become increasingly dependent on Portuguese for horses and ammunitions, were forced to tolerate their mischief [78]. However, it was in the unexpected collapse of the Vijayanagara Empire at Talikota in 1565 that the Portuguese saw a great opportunity to capture the Kanara coast. With the flood gates opened, a series of frenzied military and commercial activities picked pace. The graph of the traffic of Portuguese armada reveals their plan.
The expansion of “Estado De India” to Kanara
It seems to have been a conscious decision on the part of Portuguese, to not to have given a full push to take over Kanara, for Vijayanagar was both powerful and a great market. Instead they by-passed Kanara and focused on taking over Goa from Adil Shahis after establishing their hold in Calicut.
With the collapse of Vijayanagara, smaller chieftains in coastal areas were left to fend for themselves against the Portuguese might. A year after Talikota, the Viceroy of Goa sent Joao Piexoto to keep an eye on Mangalore and its neighboring principality of Ullal which was governed by a Jain queen called Abbakka. Rather than guard Mangalore, Piexoto found it was appropriate to attack Abbakka. Gathering his men, Piexoto fought this way to Ullal and even reached the royal house. Caught unawares, the queen fled the scene but immediately started regrouping her men using a nearby mosque as a base. Barely had Piexoto taken control of the palace, Abbakka with 200 of her men launched a counterattack killing Piexoto and 70 other Portuguese men. The remaining Portuguese, stunned by the reversal, hurried back to their ships.[79]
The setback prompted Viceroy, Dom Antao De Noronha himself to come to Mangalore along with Admiral Francisco Mascarenhas. The Admiral laid a siege to Ullal but at night when the soldiers were relaxing, Abakka and her men once again charged on the Portuguese, killing the Admiral along with 50 of his men.[80]
Despite being handed defeat twice, the Viceroy was determined to sack Ullal and make Mangalore his base in Kanara. The Portuguese made their third attempt under Captain Joao Pereira. The fierce clash that followed resulted in the Abbakka losing 300 of her men and she retreated to the hills. The town of Ullal was sacked and burnt. During this assault, three Jesuits accompanied the Viceroy with one even holding the Cross aloft and instigating the soldiers to fight. This was noted by Fr. Francisco de Souza SJ in his book Oriente Conquistado.[81]
With a victory finally in hand, the Portuguese laid foundation for a fort in Mangalore. They named it as Sao Sebastio Fort of Mangalore. This was in the year 1567.
A view of Sao Sebastio Fort at Mangalore.
Within a few months of taking Mangalore, the Portuguese turned their attention towards Honnavar, a port on the banks of River Sharavati. Honnavar was the principal trading center of the Gersoppa principality and was well known for pepper. By the end of 1568, they successfully subjugated it. The Jain queen of Gersoppa, Rani Chennabhaira Devi was caught between the Adil Shahis and Portuguese. Left with no option, she acknowledged the Portuguese sovereignty.[82] Immediately after this, the new Viceroy, D. Luis de Ataide built a fort over the existing one and named it ‘Forte de Santa Catarina de Honor’[83].
A sketch of Santa Catarina fort of Honnavar between Badagani and Sharavati rivers.
The next big attack by Portuguese was on the prized port of Basrur or Barcelore as they called it. With its lucrative rice and pepper trade, the Portuguese always had an eye on it. Anticipating an attack, Basrur was put on guard by 11,000 men, by two powerful families of the region — the Jain Tolaharas, who hailed from Suralu near Barkur and the Bunt family of Honneya Kambli Arasas from Hosangadi. The attack on Basrur happened at night and a pitched battle was fought. Both sides lost heavily and the Portuguese temporarily retreated to Goa but came back with a larger army.[84] Under the leadership of Pedro Lopez Rebello, the Portuguese finally emerged victorious. The losing chieftains agreed to pay tributes and a treaty was signed granting trade privileges to the Portuguese.[85] A fort was constructed to the south of existing town of Basrur and it was named as ‘Santa Luzia Fort’. Europeans sometimes referred to the place as “Lower Barcelore”, while the locals called this place by its old name, Kundapura.
By 1570s, the acquisitions of important trading centers were completed, and the Portuguese now controlled of south, north and central parts of Kanara. With this began an expansion of trade and administration along with proselytization. Administrators like Writers, Judges, Church officials, Chief of Artillery, Interpreters and Captains settled in the newly conquered cities[86]. A few hundred Portuguese Casados or families settled in these new colonies and took to agriculture and trade. These Portuguese families were very hostile to the locals. They built a 10ft high wall around their own enclave and would be seen walking around the town with slaves wielding guns to terrify the locals.
Most Portuguese soldiers, as AR Disney notes, were “scoundrels from the prisons of Portugal” and were happy to serve in Asia as it gave hope for a better life.[87] Notorious for their unethical trade practices, the Portuguese would levy illegal taxes and sometimes seize ships belonging to traders and sell their goods for sheer profit.[88] Their grip on trade had tightened.
The rise of the Nayakas and the beginning of reclamation
Despite controlling the territories, the Portuguese never had it easy. The Tolarahas and Kambli Arasas repeatedly tried to take back Basrur but were repelled each time. The chieftains finally stopped attacking after the Portuguese found a plan to keep them at bay. They destroyed the temple of Kundeshwara, the presiding deity of Kundapur and built by the erstwhile Alupas. The temple was later rebuilt by the resident merchants of Basrur at great cost.[89]
The principality of Ullal continued to remain defiant. Contrary to the popular perception of the lone queen Abbakka, there lived another brave queen by the same name, around the year 1623. Pietro Della Valle, an Italian traveler and book collector, hearing her fame had journeyed to Mangalore to meet her[90]. Pietro estimated her age to be around forty which clearly means she was born after the first Abbakka fought against the Portuguese in late 1560s.
However, their biggest adversary was Hiriya Venkatappa Nayaka from the house of Keladi Dynasty. The Vijayanagara Rayas, unable to take direct control the affairs of Kanara due to their preoccupation with the wars in Deccan, gave Malnad and Kanara as “Amara Magane”[91] (perpetual fief) in 1550s, to this family hailing from Keladi, in modern day Shivamogga district in central Karnataka. Barring Karwar, Kanara’s northern most city which was under the Adil Shahis of Bijapur, the entire stretch from Ankola to Kasaragod fell in the Keladi domain. After the Talikota war, the Nayakas were busy putting down rebellions and consolidating their hold in the Malnad region and hadn’t paid much attention to the coast. The Nayakas ruled from various capitals starting with Keladi, then Ikkeri and finally Nagara or Bidanur. It was Venkatappa Nayaka (1583–1629) of this dynasty who was the first to successfully contain the Portuguese and establish his rule in Kanara.
The Portuguese had seized a ship belonging to Abbakka — II and were conspiring with her estranged husband, Laxmappa Bangarasa, whose territory lay just north of Mangalore fort, to dethrone her. The alarmed queen sought Venkatappa Nayaka’s help. With an army of 12,000 men, Venkatappa Nayaka marched down the ghats to Mangalore and aided by the queen’s army, defeated the coalition of the Portuguese and Bangarasa. The two Portuguese commanders who lead the battle, Francisco de Miranda Henriques and Luis de Brito de Melo were killed. Bangarasa fled to Kasaragod and his Kodialbail fort was dismantled[92],[93]. Venkatappa and Abakka — II contemplated driving out the Portuguese but decided against it. Instead they preferred to contain Portuguese in their enclave and allow them to trade as it would fetch revenue. [94].The matter was ended by a treaty but it was a big setback for the Portuguese interests in Kanara.[95] Venkatappa also used this opportunity to subdue the squabbling chieftains in the coastal domain, from Kasaragod in the south to Honnavar in the north and firmly established his rule. It became a single administrative region called “Tulurajya”, while the hill domains came to be known as “Malerajya” or Malnad. Before he went back to his capital, he strengthened the forts at Barkur and Kalyanpur to keep an eye on the Portuguese[96].
After the death of Venkatappa Nayaka, his young grandson Virabhadra succeeded him. There was a succession dispute in the Keladi family and citing an opportunity to salvage the lost ground, the Portuguese under Viceroy Conde De Linhares occupied Gangolli, a territory originally belonging to Honneya Kambli Arasas and erected a fort in 1630. It was intended to be an alternative to Basrur.[97] They called it as Cambolim, a distorted of the name Kambli.
Diogo De Souze E Menezes was put in charge to build the fort. Upon arriving at Gangolli, Menezes wrote to the Viceroy, “The island of Cambolim is 2 leagues in length and 1/3rd league in breadth. It has lovely paddy fields which will certainly yield 20,000 bags of rice annually. It will be of great use to His Majesty if this island comes to the possession…..”[98]
A church was also built in Gangolli after razing a richly endowed Hindu temple dedicated to Lord Shiva. The Portuguese documents refer to this act as a “signal of war against the Hindu population”.[99]
The fort was completed in 1633 and Virabhadra Nayaka tried to attack the fort but reinforcements arrived from Goa putting an end to the challenge[100]. It was also during this period that a rich merchant named Rama Kini, who traded at both Mangalore and Basrur was sentenced to death by the Portuguese authorities for having dealings with the Dutch.[101] The Portuguese once again got an upper hand and seemed to have recovered from the shock defeat at the hands of Venkatappa Nayaka. But things would take a different turn in the coming decades.
Shivappa Nayaka’s blitzkrieg and the dawn of a new era
Virabhadra Nayaka died heirless and his uncle Shivappa Nayaka assumed charge in 1650. The Keladi kingdom was besieged by civil war during his ascension. A brilliant military strategist and known for his discipline, Shivappa raised his army to 50,000 men to recover the lost ground, both in the coastal areas and the plains of Karnataka.[102]
Shivappa Nayaka began his kingship by defeating the Kolathiris of Malabar and retaking Kasaragod in 1651. In memory of his triumph, he erected a victory pillar at Nileshwara, south of Kasaragod.[103]
The Capture of Basrur: This was the time of Portuguese-Dutch wars and the forts in Kanara were in neglected state. In June 1652, sensing an opportunity to recover the entire coast, Shivappa Nayaka laid siege to Basrur. Within a month, the Portuguese were forced to abandon it.[104]
The Battle of Gangolli (Cambolim): Now in command, Shivappa himself laid down new demands. The Portuguese were asked to commit procurement of larger volumes of pepper at Shivappa’s preferred rates and dismantle the fort of Gangolli. Emissaries were exchanged and the talks went on for months. Vittala Mallya, Shivappa Nayaka’s trusted aide negotiated on his behalf. The Portuguese, busy fighting the Dutch, did not have the funds and tried to buy time. With the talks remaining inconclusive and getting unnecessarily delayed, Shivappa Nayaka and his army made an audacious attack on the fort of Gangolli. Despite being surrounded by water on three side and Portuguese ships arriving to provide supplies and ammunitions, the undeterred Nayaka army fought and by November 1652, Gangolli was captured and the Portuguese settlement destroyed.[105]
The Battle of Mangalore: Shivappa Nayaka then directed his attention to the Sao Sebastio fort of Mangalore. Sensing danger, the Portuguese Viceory-In-Council decided to send Captain Constanco Fialho Ferreira with four regiments to Mangalore in April 1653. But Shivappa’s men managed to break the fort walls with mines and entered the Sao Sebastio fort, killing several Portuguese residents and Mangalore was also taken.[106] Shivappa Nayaka later made this fort the center of governance of his coastal domains.[107]
The Capture of Honnavar: The Portuguese were left with only fort in entire Kanara region. Shivappa once again commenced hostilities with the Portuguese demanding to procure pepper at a new rate and sought an additional commitment that they would buy double the current quantity, failing which he would attack Honnavar. This demand was considered outrageous by the Portuguese. Shivappa, this time sent Vittala Mallya’s son, Mallappa Mallya for talks. The council in Goa urged the viceroy to except Shivappa’s demands but the Viceory decided against it for he had no funds to accede. He knew Shivappa had trapped him through so-called peace talks all the while his army was intimidating their colonies. The Council finally decided to give its best at the battle. Shivappa, anticipating such an outcome, immediately tightened the siege at Honnavar. This was in August of 1654 and the monsoons had made it difficult for Portuguese. Shivappa’s determined army continued to attack and the fort walls began to collapse. Having lost many lives, short of food supplies, the Portuguese lost all the will to fight and surrendered. The surviving men in the fort, 300 Portuguese and 700 of their Indian mercenaries vacated the Santa Catarina fort of Honnavar.[108]
With this, the Portuguese’s decades of efforts in controlling Kanara came to a humiliating end. During this period, they tried several tactics to avoid such an outcome. They sent padres as emissaries who were capable of sweet talk. At times when the Portuguese delegation was led by experienced men like Fr. Gonsalo Martins, Joao Rodriguez Veigas and Ramoji Kothari, Shivappa refused to meet them sighting illness. The Portuguese used Latin in their internal communication to maintain secrecy as some in the Keladi administration could speak and read Portuguese. Last but not the least, in these two years, they had sent 70 ships with soldiers, explosives and food supplies to their colonies in Kanara to fend off the attacks but all these turned futile against the shrewd Shivappa Nayaka.[109]
The four crushing defeats at the hands of Shivappa in a matter of two years was unprecedented event for the Portuguese and remained one of their biggest losses against an Indian king until 18th century, when they were again defeated by another man named Appa — Bajirao’s brother Chimaji Appa at Vasai!
Shivappa Nayaka’s statue at Shivamogga town.
Shivappa Nayaka assumed the title “Padugadala Odeya”, meaning the “Lord of the Western Sea”.[110] The shock defeat of the Portuguese didn’t go unnoticed in the Portuguese empire. One Portuguese memorandum noted it as “sorrowful loss”[111] while another mentioned that there was no way they could have fought back as the natives had “become adept at siege techniques and using firearms”.[112]
The wounds inflicted by Shivappa didn’t heal in the decades to come. 36 years after their defeat, Joao Rebeiro, a Portuguese captain stationed in Ceylon, embittered by the Portuguese’s ill-treatment of natives in all its colonies, wrote with introspection –
“The Canaris (sic) have brought this truth (Portuguese atrocities) to home, for in 1653, they took from us the forts of Honor (Honnavar), Bracelor (Basrur), Cambolim (Gangolli) and Mangalor(e), which our garrisons had occupied……they (Canarese) acted without assistance of Hollanders (Dutch) or any other race and they did so as they saw themselves as unjustly oppressed — a motive which will fill hearts with greatest courage”[113].
The extraordinary turnaround in a matter of 2 years by Shivappa Nayaka proved a deterrent for colonial powers in Kanara. To keep an eye on the Kolathiris, Chirakkals, the British at Tellicherry, French at Mahe and the Portuguese at St. Angelo, he built a string of forts in Kasargod region. The Chandragiri fort at Kumble, Hosdurg fort at Kanhangad and most noticeably the Bekal fort[114], which today ranks among the most recognizable landmarks of Kerala State.
Bekal Fort near Kasaragod — The largest in Kerala, 40 acres in all, built by Shivappa in early 1650s.
The administrative skills of Shivappa Nayaka can be gauged by the popularity of the taxation system called “Shist” that he introduced. Land in his kingdom was classified under 5 categories and taxes introduced based on the sowing capacity of these lands. According this system, the farmers had to provide 1/3rd of their produce as tax, based on the estimate of the produce done during the sowing of the seed. This unique and customized taxation had a tremendous effect as both Kanara and Malnad were never short of water and the south-west monsoons rarely failed in these regions, often giving bumper harvest. Since these bumper crops were outside the tax bracket (as tax was estimated on expected average produce based on seeds sowed) allowing farmers to freely sell their bumper crops to traders and exporters ushering an era of prosperity. Shivappa Nayaka’s brilliant victories notwithstanding, he is even today remembered by the people of Malnad and in some pockets of Kanara for his taxation system.
The sheer ingenuity of Shivappa can be gauged by the fact that in order to standardize the land measurement by the surveyors in his kingdom, he carved out a exact 18 feet rod on the wall of Virabhadra temple in Keladi and decreed that replicas of only this scale had to be used for land measurement. This prevented malpractices by surveyors and eliminated errors in land measurement thus preventing wrong assessment of land tax.[115]
The prosperity ushered was so huge that the past struggles of the people of Kanara were forgotten. Francis Buchanan who toured Kanara in the first decade of 1800 and interviewed several people, noted that “the people seem to have no knowledge of anything that happened before the conquest of Sivuppa Nayaka”[116]. In another instance, Buchanan reviewing the Keladi revenue records comments that “This seems to me a clear proof of the flourishing state of the country”[117]
Thomas Munro, studied the revenue systems under the Vijayanagar and Keladi rule and noted that the region enjoyed “remarkable prosperity”[118].
Military and administrative skills apart, Shivappa Nayaka’s great gesture in helping Sriranga Raya III, the last scion of the Vijayanagara Empire remains an act with few parallels. Shorn of his wealth, betrayed by the very chiefs who once jostled for the attention of his ancestors, Srirangaraya had become a “Raya” without a kingdom to rule. On the verge of being turned a fugitive, Sriranga finally found refuge in Shivappa Nayaka. Citing “Purvada Maryade”, Shivappa made him the Governor of Belur, the erstwhile capital of Hoysalas — a position of honour befitting the descendent of his erstwhile masters. Inscriptions found in Belur mention that Sriranga spent his last days praying daily at the famed Chennakeshava Temple. With Sriranga’s death at Belur, the final chapter of the Vijayanagar Empire came to an end.[119] The empire which was born to fill the vacuum created by the extinction of Hoysalas, ended in the capital of the same Hoysalas.
After Sriranga’s death, even Shivaji’s did his bit for the family. For the maintenance of the widow of Sriranga and her children, Shivaji made a grant of a few villages, records of which were made on a silver plate and presented to her.[120]
It was mainly during Venkatappa and Shivappa Nayaka’s rule, the social structure of Kanara, particularly the southern region — Tulunadu, began to take shape as we see it today. A large number of Konkanis, both Hindus and Christians arrived from Goa. Hindus were the first to come, fleeing inquisition in Goa. The Hindu migrants were mostly Saraswat Brahmins, Daivadnya Shets, Vaishya Vanis and Kudubis. The Saraswat Brahmins belonged to two groups — Madhwas and Smarthas. The Madhwa Saraswats took to trade and also served as diplomats and emissaries for the Keladi rulers. The Smartha Saraswats took up administrative roles like village accountants and revenue officials. Owing to the long rule of Kannada empires in Goa, right from the time of Kadambas to Vijayanagara, their knowledge of Kannada helped them quickly gain administrative posts. Within a short period of time they assimilated into the local culture while retaining their mother tongue Konkani.
Christians too came in waves. The first wave, consisting of converts who were deemed “not Christian enough” as they had retained pre-conversion customs and habits and as a result faced persecution. Later migrations were mainly to due epidemics, politically volatile situation in Goa due to frequent wars with Adil Shahis and later with Marathas.[121], [122] They settled in all major centers of Kanara, particularly the Mangalore-Kundapur stretch. Many of them became the soldiers in the Keladi army and to this day, Christians settled between Kalyanpur and Kundapur are called Naiks, owing to their profession.
A tiny community of Kshatriyas existed in pockets of coastal Karnataka, from Karwar to Kasargod. Tall, well-built and generally endowed with a lively spirit, their worth was quickly assed by the Nayakas and were inducted in large numbers to the Keladi army. These Kshatriyas preferred to call themselves as Rama Kshatriyas in honour of Lord Rama.[123] They soon became the caretakers of the forts and filled up the posts in military administration. Shivappa Nayaka’s personal bodyguards also belonged to this community.[124] Soorappayya, a Rama Kshatriya by caste, rose from humble beginnings to become the governor of Mangalore and ultimately the General of the Keladi Army![125]. Prof. KN Chitnis, who closely studied Keladi rule closely, noted that the Keladi Nayakas chose their officers solely on merit.
Portrait of Ramachandra Rao Kasaragod, early 20th century leader of the Rama Kshatriyas, a community which fought, won and later defended the forts of Kanara for nearly three centuries.
The later Nayakas and the continuation of peace
After Shivappa’s death in 1660, the Portuguese did try to advance their political interests, quickly building fortifications whenever the Nayakas were going through a tough patch. This was time when Shivaji’s raid happened but the confusions were put to an end by Somashekhara Nayaka when he defeated the Portuguese at Gangolli again in 1670. This time the Dutch too assisted the Keladis. With this, the Portuguese completely gave up their imperial ambitions in Kanara and remained for the rest of the period solely as traders. A treaty was signed between Somashekhara Nayaka and Portuguese for trading Rice and Pepper. Apart from the regular clauses related to trade, some additional clauses were, prohibition on: -
1. Killing of cows.
2. Converting people forcibly to Christianity.
3. Adopting orphans [126]
After Somashekhara Nayaka’s death, his widow Keladi Chennamma took charge. Fryer, an English traveller, on entering Kanara during Chennamma’s rule, wrote, “the people look cheerful and live in peace under a quiet government”.[127] However, it would be a mistake to equate this “quiet” for a “weak” government for when the occasion rose, few could claim to have risen in stature like her. At the risk of losing her kingdom, she provided refuge to Shivaji’s son Rajaram, who was on the run from Mughals. Aurangzeb demanded Rajaram to be handed over to him. The gusty queen refused and Aurangzeb ordered the Mughal army to attack her Kingdom. Mughal army was unfamiliar terrain and the Keladi army resorted to guerrilla techniques inflicting heavy losses. With the onset of the monsoon of Western Ghats, the Mughal army retreated. Rajaram got sufficient time and managed to reach Gingee safely. Aurangzeb, not wanting to drag any further, diverted the Mughal army to lay siege to gingee under the leadership of Zulfiqar Khan.
She opened trade relationship with Arabs to keep the Portuguese in check. This was a regular practice of the and whenever opportunities permitted, they pitted rival trading partners against each other.
A relief of Chennamma with the young Rajaram besides her at the Rameshwara Temple in Keladi.
Goddess Rajarajeshwari in full glory at Polali temple near Mangalore. Chenamma patronised this temple and gifted a chariot. (Pic Courtesy — Polali Rajarajeshwari Temple).
During the last leg of the Keladi rule, while the trade remained stable, skirmishes became more often but the Nayakas continued to fight. In October 1755, Ali Raja Kunhi, the Mappilla chief of Cannanore, came on a buccaneering expedition by sea, sacking Mangalore and few other coastal towns. Seething with rage, the then king “Buddhi” Basavappa Nayaka II, laid an embargo on export of goods to Malabar. The consequences of embargo were disastrous to Malabar. The Malabar district manual notes, “This placed the French at Mahe, the English at Tellicherry, the Dutch at Cannanore, and the Malabar Nayars and Mappillas — the whole community in fact — in a state of comparative famine.”[128] That this artificial famine happened in October or Karthika Masa, a period for the first harvest of rice after monsoons, is an indicator of the dependency of Malabar on Kanara for food.
The End of the Keladi Dynasty
The Keladi dynasty came to an end in 1763 when Haider Ali’s men gained entry to the fort through a secret passage and apprehended queen Virammaji. She was imprisoned in faraway Madhugiri near Tumkur. When Marathas took the fort, they released Virammaji and fearing for her safety they escorted her on a journey to Pune. Mid-way through, Virammaji fell ill and died at the residence of Bhave family, Peshwa’s aide and the hereditary Desais of Nargund in north Karnataka.[129] The dynasty had lasted for 200 years since the Talikota war. The end of Keladi dynasty also effected a permanent change in Karnataka’s political scene. Until then, barring the Hoysalas, all major empires that rose from Karnataka’s soil, the Kadambas, Badami Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas, Kalyani Chalukyas and the Vijayanagara, were all centered in the west and north Karnataka. The power balance shifted decisively to deep south — Mysore.
Haider Ali, the next to rule Kanara, was a grandson of a Punjabi soldier named Muhammad Bahlol[130], who had migrated to Deccan in search of fortune. The family dreams finally came true when Haider rose from the position of Faujdar to become, what he called himself, Sarvadhikari of Mysore kingdom. Without doubt he was a star military campaigner but a close look at his career reveals that it received an upswing after he conquered Keladi kingdom. It cannot be ruled out that the vast treasure of the Keladi kings, that he laid his hands on, could have greatly funded his and Tipu’s never ending wars with Marathas, Nizams, Travancore and the English.
Kanara was quickly squandered in the next two decades. Tipu’s Governor, Iyaz Khan clandestinely handed over the fort of Mangalore to British in the year 1783.[131] Tipu recovered it only to die in the siege of Srirangapatna. Later, the British restored the kingdom to Wodeyars but kept Kanara for themselves. The region which could not be subdued by the wars, was gained by the British through merely a “transfer of power” in 1799–1800, almost 300 years after Alfonso de Albuquerque first attempted to take over.
The common narrative in Indian colonial history is that the European imperialist forces initially conquered the coast and then gradually increased their footprint, ultimately reaching the heartlands. But Karnataka’s colonial history runs contrary to this. It was the hinterland which the British subdued (with Tipu’s killing at Srirangapatna) and as a consequence, the coastal territory was gained. The Portuguese had suffered humiliating defeats. The French had remained marginal traders. The Dutch trade in Kanara collapsed due to their financial mismanagement and involvement in heavy speculations on commodity prices.[132] The major presence of English was in Karwar, which they had received from Adil Shahis of Bijapur, and was not under the jurisdiction of Nayakas of Keladi. The English restricted themselves to tiny trading outposts in Kanara.The mediation they did at the behest of the Kolathiri rajas to settle the Nileshwara river as the boundary between Kanara and Malabar betrayed their own fear, for they had great interests at Tellicherry, not too far from Nileshwara.[133] A letter from Tellicherry dated 18th November 1751 stated that they had good fortune of receiving rice from Mangalore “or they would have been to driven to great streights (sic)”[134] This indicates why they were forced to be friendly with Keladi rulers.
Foreign influences in architecture, food, language and religion aid in building a past, often a scenario of vibrant trade and cultural exchange. The forts and military garrisons built by the colonial forces keep the memory of subjugation alive. These structures also act as tools, enabling societies to construct counter narratives of resistance and fight back. In case of Kanara, the Nayakas destroyed the Portuguese power, as early as in 1650s, a period when rest of India was just coming to terms with European domination. The forts built by the imperialists were summarily demolished or were simply abandoned for nature to do her work. During the later treaties, the Nayakas made it a point to include a clause according to which no double walled structures were to be built by the foreign trading establishments.[135] Every single fort that exists today on the Karnataka coastline was built by the native dynasties. If one were to visit the location where the Sao Sebastio Fort stood in Mangalore, Kote Veeranjaneya and Halekote Mariyamma temples would greet the visitors. The Rosario cathedral is probably the only exception to this rule.
Ibn Battuta, while calling Mangalore as “the greatest city in Malabar” (sic) also noted that there were frequent conflicts between townsmen of Mangalore and the traders/settlers from Middle East.[136] 400 years after his visit, in 1718, Alexander Hamilton visited Mangalore and he had a diametrically opposite view. He said, “the subjects of this country observe the law so well, that a robbery or murder are hardly heard of among them. And a stranger may pass through the country without being asked where he is going or what business he has”.[137] This vice like grip over law and decisive leadership not only ensured peaceful times but provided the Indic trade guilds a good backing and got a level playing field, curtailing the foreign dominance to an extent. All these factors coupled with the general prosperity ushered by thriving agriculture and light taxation not only faded a troubled past but hindered the reconstruction of a terrific reconquest.
Lives of Keladi Rulers….
The Keladi Nayakas themselves traded with places as far as Mozambique and China and interacted in official capacity with Portuguese, Dutch, Arabs, French and English. But they never allowed foreigners to sneak into their administrative domain or even influence their personal lives. They believed in sticking to their traditions. As the Lingayats, they were required to retain a strict vegetarian diet. So, even when they hosted dinners for foreign visitors, they abstained from dining with them and instead preferred to sit at a respectable distance, drinking only perfumed water with the guests.[138] When free from administrative responsibilities, they would go on pilgrimages or spend time with court pandits discussing on matters of philosophy or arts. Chennamma’s adopted son, Basavaraja Nayaka, fondly called Basappa, was himself a writer. His magnum opus “Shiva Tattva Ratnakara”, an encyclopedic work in Sanskrit of more than 9000 verses, covered topics from astronomy to planning town and social ethics to Natya Shastra.[139]
They hailed from a farming family in the hills of Malnad. Their ancestor Sadashiva Nayaka, on the orders of his master Aliya Rama Raya, had darted through the territories of Deccan Sultans reaching up till Kalyana and ravaging the fort held by Barid Shahis. An impressed Rama Raya had bestowed him with rare titles like “Rayanayaka”, “Ekangavira” and “Kote Kolahala” (one who unleashes anarchy in the forts). Unaffected by these, Sadashiva Nayaka preferred to call himself a “devotee of Shiva and protector of brahmanas and cows”. Wealth and fortune came his way but Sadashiva Nayaka spent it on philanthropy.[140] They kept their residences austere and temples modest and instead preferred to give grants to the numerous mutts, influence of which can still be seen in modern day Karnataka. Their largesse was not restricted to Karnataka alone, Shivappa Nayaka even got the Kapildhara Teerth near Varanasi renovated. Malnad and Tulunad, the cultural regions which they ruled, were home to two of the three great Vedantic schools — Adi Shankaracharya’s Sringeri Sharada Peetham and Madhvacharya’s Udupi Krishna Mutt. Both the centers were liberally patronized by them[141]. The Udupi Krishna Mutt owes its current size, form and structure to the joint efforts of two unsung heroes of post Talikota period — Venkatapati Raya of Penukonda and Hiriya Venkatappa Nayaka of Keladi. They even donated Huvinakere, a village near Kundapur and Sri Vadiraja Teertha’s birthplace, to Krishna Mutt.[142]
A part of the state income was spent on “Dasoha”, a common feeding program regardless of caste, that was encouraged by the 12th century saint Basavanna. During the last leg of their rule, a small cess was added to their famed taxation system, all which would go to building Anna Chhatras, the feeding houses for the needy.[143]
Like all empires and kingdoms, they too faded away but not before giving a cushion of two centuries for the societies of Kanara and Malnad to recover, build lives and prosper again. Without them, the region would have been a perpetual exploitation ground for the imperialists; peace a distant mirage. A 13th century inscription of an Alupa royal couple in Barkur states that responsibility of protecting Dharma lies with “Arasu (Rulers), Nadu (Society) and Nakhara (Merchants)”[144]. The Keladis seem to have done did their bit and perhaps this is the reason why 18th century poet, Linganna Kavi in his magnum opus Keladi Nripa Vijaya, referred to them as:
“Rulers of Karnataka Dharma Samsthana” [145]
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
References:
[1] Studies in Tuluva History and Culture by P Gururaja Bhatt (Pg. XI)
[2] A History of South Kanara by K. Vyasaraya Ramesh (Pg.96)
[3] Ibid (Pg. 129)
[4] Studies in Tuluva History and Culture by P Gururaja Bhatt (Pg. 171)
[5] A History of South Kanara by K. Vyasaraya Ramesh (Pg.151)
[6] Aliyasantana of Bhutala Pandya by B Ramaswamy Naidu (Pg. 2)
[7] Ibid (Pg. 12)
[8] Barakuru (A Metropolitan City of Antiquity) — Its History and Culture by B. Vasantha Shetty (Pg. 67)
[9] Ibid (Pg. 68)
[10] Arab Geographers Knowledge Of Southern India by Mohamed Nasr (Pg.33)
[11] A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar) — A Contribution to the History of India by Robert Sewell (Pg.82)
[12] Barakuru (A Metropolitan City of Antiquity) — Its History and Culture by B. Vasantha Shetty (Pg. 255)
[13] Ibid (Pg. 293)
[14] Ibid (Pg. 264,288)
[15] Ibid (Pg. 282)
[16] Ibid (Pg. 295)
[17] Ibid (Pg. 268)
[18] A History of South Kanara by K. Vyasaraya Ramesh (Pg. 162)
[19] Barakuru (A Metropolitan City of Antiquity) — Its History and Culture by B. Vasantha Shetty (Pg. 293)
[20] Ibid (Pg. 178)
[21] Antiquities of South Kanara by P. Gururaja Bhatt (Plate XXVI)
[22] Barakuru (A Metropolitan City of Antiquity) — Its History and Culture by B. Vasantha (Pg. 16)
[23] Ibid (Pg. 177,191)
[24] Ibid (Pg. 319)
[25] Ibid (319)
[26] Ibid (327–336)
[27] A History of South Kanara by K. Vyasaraya Ramesh (Pg.151)
[28] The Vijayanagar Empire: Chronicles of Paes and Nuniz (Pg.281 & 374)
[29] Arabian Seas, 1700- 1763 by RJ Barendse (Pg. 63)
[30] The Portuguese, Indian Ocean And European Bridgeheads 1500–1800 (Pg. 311)
[31] A Journey From Madras Vol 3 by Dr. Francis Buchanan (Pg. 105)
[32] Craft Production and Trade in South Kanara: AD 1000–1763 by Nagendra Rao (Pg.109,110)
[33] The Portuguese, the port of Basrur and the rice trade by Sanjay Subrahmanyam (Pg. 442,451)
[34] The Portuguese and Aspects of Trade in Parts of South Kanara by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 316)
[35] Shivaji and His Times by Jadunath Sarkar (Pg. 274)
[36] The quarterly journal of Mythic society (Bangalore) Volume 90 (Pg. 41)
[37] The quarterly journal of Mythic society (Bangalore) Volume 61 (Pg. 66)
[38] Shivaji’s Raid on Basrur by TS Shejwalkar (Pg. 145–146)
[39] The Political Economy of Commerce by Dr. Sanjay Subrahmanyam (Pg. 260)
[40] Goa and Portugal: History and Development by Charles J. Borges (Pg. 56, 57)
[41] The Arabian Seas by RJ Barendse (Pg.212)
[42] Goa and Portugal: History and Development by Charles J. Borges, Oscar Guilherme Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (Pg. 57)
[43] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations by BS Shastry (Pg. 16)
[44] Malabar Manual, Vol I, Section G by William Logan (Pg. 214)
[45] Aspects of the Maritime Silk Road by Ralph Kauz (Pg.54)
[46] The Persian Gulf: A Political and Economic History of Five Ports Cities by Willem Floor (Pg .60)
[47]Aspects of the Maritime Silk Road by Ralph Kauz (Ibid (Pg.45)
[48] The Itinerary of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna from 1502 to 1508 (Pg. 50)
[49] Goa and Portugal: History and Development by Charles J. Borges, Oscar Guilherme Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (Pg.57)
[50] M’Culloch’s Universal Gazetteer by JR McCulloch (Pg. 535)
[51] European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India Vol 5 by Om Prakash (Pg. 43)
[52] Twilight of Pepper Empire by AR Disney (Pg. 8)
[53] Ibid (Pg. 36)
[54] Ibid (Pg. 36)
[55] Ibid (Pg. 37)
[56] A Journey From Madras through the countries of Mysore, Malabar and Canara. Vol 3 by Dr. Francis Buchanan (Pg. 389)
[57] Shivaji and His Times by Jadunath Sarkar (Pg. 172)
[58] Selections from Despatches Addressed to the Several Governments in India by the Secretary of State in Council (Pg. 295)
[59] Calcutta Review Volume 38 (Pg. 297)
[60] The history of Tellicherry Office 1683–1794 by KKN Kurup (Pg. 243)
[61] Bombay High Court Reports: Reports of cases decided in the high court of Bombay Edited by W.E Hart (Pg.95)
[62] Report from the select Committee on the growth of Cotton in India. (Pg.66)
[63] A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century by Duarte Barbosa (Pg. 86)
[64] The Portuguese and the Aspects of Sea Trade by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 314)
[65] Uttara Kannada District Gazetteer. (Pg. 151)
[66] Major-General Sir Thomas Munro, Bart, KCB Governor of Madras, Volume 2 (Pg.359)
[67] Bombay High Court Reports: Reports of cases decided in the high court of Bombay Edited by W.E Hart (Pg.90)
[68] Goa and Portugal: History and Development by Charles J. Borges, Oscar Guilherme Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (Pg.61/62)
[69] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations, 1498–1763 by BS Shastry (Pg. 16)
[70] The Portuguese and Aspects of Trade in Ports of South Kanara by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 309)
[71] Special Study Report on Bhuta Cult in South Kanara District. Chap — Bhuta Worship and Folklore by R. Padmanabha (Pg.38)
[73] Goa and Portugal — History and Development by Charles J. Borges, Oscar Guilherem Pereira, Hannes Stubbe (Pg. 56)
[74] The Making of an Indian Ocean World-Economy 1250–1650 — Ravi Palat
[75] Political Interaction between Portuguese Goa and Karnataka by N Sham Bhat (Pg.26–27)
[76] The Sea and Civilization: A Maritime History of the World — Lincoln Paine
[77] History of Portuguese Navigation in India, 1497–1600 by KM Mathew (Pg. 126)
[78] Ibid (Pg. 126)
[79] História Forte De Mangalor — http://fortalezas.org/
[80] Mangalore By George Moraes (Pg 6–10)
[81] Ibid (Pg 6–10)
[82] Uttara Kannada District, Chap. History (Pg. 136)
[83] http://fortalezas.org/ (Portuguese Archives)
[84] Development of Maritime Trade in Coastal Canara Region from 15th to 17th Century by Shilpi Srivastava (Pg.183)
[85] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (1498–1763) by BS Shastry (Pg. 90)
[86] Craft Production and Trade in South Kanara by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 186)
[87] Twilight of Pepper Empire by AR Disney (Pg. 21)
[88] The Portuguese, India Ocean And European Bridgeheads 1500–1800 By Nagendra Rao (Pg. 313)
[89] A Glimpse of The Socio-Economic Conditions of the Port-Towns of Coastal Karnataka in The Sixteenth and the Seventeenth Centuries as Described in Some Contemporary Portuguese Sources By BS Shastry (Pg. 98)
[90] The Travels of Pietro Della Valle in India (Pg. 311)
[91] South India Inscriptions, Vol.9, Part 2, Pg. 666, Line 14
[92] Mangalore by George Moraes (Pg. 15–17)
[93] Glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Pg. 20)
[94] Mangalore by George Moraes (Pg. 21)
[95] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (1498–1763) By BS Shastry (Pg. 141)
[96] Ibid (Pg. 21, 95,156)
[97] Ibid (Pg. 95)
[98] Ibid (Pg. 95)
[99] Ibid (Pg. 260)
[100] Ibid (Pg. 156)
[101] The Portuguese, the Port of Basrur and the rice trade by Sanjay Subrahmanyam (Pg. 454)
[102] The Nayakas of Ikkeri by KD Swaminathan (Pg. 98)
[103] South Kanara, 1799–1860: A Study in Colonial Administration and Regional Response By N. Sham Bhat (Pg. 28)
[104] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (1498–1763) By BS Shastry (Pg. 180,181)
[105] Ibid (Pg. 191,192)
[106] Political Interaction between Portuguese Goa and Karnataka By N. Sham Bhat (Pg. 35)
[107] The glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Appendix 4)
[108] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (1498–1763) By BS Shastry (Pg. 190–205)
[109] Ibid (Pg. 184)
[110] South Kanara, 1799–1860: A Study in Colonial Administration and Regional Response By N. Sham Bhat (Pg. 27)
[111] The Arabian Sea — The Indian Ocean World of the Seventeenth Century by R.J. Barendse (Pg. 62)
[112] The Arabian Seas: The Indian Ocean World of the Seventeenth Century by R.J. Barendse (Pg. 62)
[113] The Historic Tragedy of Island Ceilao (Pg. 232)
[114] South Kanara, 1799–1860: A Study in Colonial Administration By N. Sham Bhat (Pg. 28)
[115] The glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Pg. 106)
[116] A Journey From Madras through the countries of Mysore, Malabar and Canara. Vol 3 by Dr. Francis Buchanan (Pg. 105)
[117] Uttara Kannada State Gazetteer (Pg. 129)
[118] Uttara Kannada State Gazetteer (Pg. 129)
[119] Shivamogga District Gazetteer, Chapter: History (Pg. 56)
[120] Vijayanagara: History and Legacy (Pg. 137) by SK Aiyangar
[121] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (1498–1763) By BS Shastry (Pg. 257)
[122] Mangalore by George Moraes (Pg. 58)
[123] Rama Kshatriya Kulotpatthi (Kannada)
[124] Rama Kshatriya Kulotpatthi (Kannada)
[125] The glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Appendix 4)
[126] Uttara Kannada District Gazzetter (Pg. 143)
[127] Asia in the Making of Europe, Vol III by Donald F. Lach (Pg. 870)
[128] Malabar Manual, Vol I, Section G by William Logan (Pg. 214)
[129] Glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Pg. 42)
[130] Mysore by Colonel Mark Wilks (Pg. 13)
[131] Mangalore by George Moraes (Pg. 48)
[132] Craft Production and Trade in South Kanara: Chapter: European Traders in South Kanara (1500–1763) by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 198)
[133] Glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Appendix 4)
[134] Craft Production And Trade in South Kanara A.D. 1000–1763 by Nagendra Rao (Pg. 204)
[135] Goa-Kanara Portuguese Relations (Pg. 305)
[136] The Travels of Ibn Batuta 1325–1354, Vol. 4 (Pg. 808)
[137] Glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Pg. 125)
[138] Ibid (Pg. 124)
[139] Ibid (Pg.67)
[140] Ibid (Pg.14)
[141] Ibid (Pg. 64)
[142] Tulu Nadu (Kannada) by P. Gururaja Bhatt (Pg. 216)
[143] Glorious Keladi by Keladi Gunda Jois (Pg.114)
[144] Barakuru (A Metropolitan City of Antiquity) — Its History and Culture by B. Vasantha (Pg. 253)
[145] Ibid (Pg. 138)
